President Obama had it all wrong in his commencement address at the U.S. Coast Guard Academy in New London, Connecticut. He warned that climate change “deniers” endanger our national security – denying “undermines the readiness of our forces,” he said.
In fact, climate change believers are the threat to our national security, such as the recently notorious Seattle mob of Greenpeace “kayaktivists” paddling around Puget Sound trying to stop Polar Pioneer, Shell Oil’s Arctic drilling rig, from making a layover at the Port of Seattle to gear up for Alaskan waters. When thwarted by the Coast Guard’s 500-foot no-approach cordon, the Greenpeace canoe crowd left the harbor and took to the streets, where they blocked suppliers’ access to the rig until city police dispersed them.
These angry picketers are the threat. They undermine America’s share of the Arctic Ocean’s estimated 30 percent of the world’s undiscovered natural gas and 13 percent of its oil reserves. That fuel will move the military as well as civilians.
How do slogan shouters endanger America’s national security when their targets are civilian oil rigs? Shell’s rigs will draw needed attention to the Chukchi and Beaufort Seas in an ocean filling with Russia’s growing Arctic supremacy. This month, Defense Secretary Ashton Carter told a Senate appropriations committee hearing the U.S. military Arctic defense policy is falling short.
The United States lacks ships able to operate in or near Arctic ice, with only two medium icebreakers, one nearly a decade past pull date. Russia, by contrast, has 40 big icecap-crunchers, 25 of them nuclear-powered, including one battleship-size beast ominously named 50 Years of Victory (but it takes tourists to the North Pole for 15 day cruises at $30,000 and up). Our entire Alaskan Arctic coast has no U.S. military base, not one. Russian jets make nearly monthly incursions to the Air Defense Identification Zones off the coast of Alaska. Interceptors have to fly to the north coast from Eielson Air Force Base near Fairbanks (500 miles) or all the way from Elemendorf AFB in Anchorage (725 miles).
President Putin strategically laid claim to great swaths of Arctic oil and gas with deployed rigs, has activated the Northern Fleet – two-thirds of the entire Russian Navy – as a strategic military command, and assigned a 6,000-soldier Russian Arctic warfare unit to the archipelago of Novaya Zemlya with next-generation fighter aircraft in addition to advanced S400 Triumf anti-aircraft systems. An Arctic military reconnaissance drone base 420 miles off mainland Alaska is operational.
President Obama seemed to have adopted the Greenpeace strategy of roll over and play dead in February when he stripped Alaska of vast stores of its oil and gas wealth by reducing offshore drilling and declared most of the 19.6-million-acre Arctic National Wildlife Refuge off-limits to oil production. Yet his administration approved a conditional permit for Shell’s Arctic oil exploration.
The United States “may be 40 years behind,” Alaska’s Senator Lisa Murkowski said to Defense Secretary Carter. The U.S. Northern Command has a report due this spring, expected to militarize the existing 2013 National Strategy for the Arctic Region. According to the strategy, as reported by Foreign Policy Journal, “the Navy’s role will primarily be in support of search and rescue, law enforcement, and civil support operations.” Shell’s oil rigs provide peaceful reasons for our warships and planes to patrol the Arctic in counterbalance to Russia. Carter told Murkowski, “The Arctic is going to be a major area of importance to the United States strategically and economically to the future [sic].”
Research by the Chicago-area Heartland Institute found a secret beneath Greenpeace’s anti-oil ruckus: it is funded by oil-drenched millions from investments in ExxonMobil, Chevron, PetroChina, and dozens more, ironically including shares of Royal Dutch Shell, owner of the rig docked in Seattle.
According to Foundation Search, the top Greenpeace donor is the leftist-run David and Lucile Packard Foundation, paying them a total of $2,146,690 since 2000. Managers of the late electronics mogul’s foundation boast 2013 assets of $6.9 billion and have invested working capital in Anadarko Petroleum, Apache Corporation, Arch Coal, Carrizo Oil and Gas, Chevron, ConocoPhilips, Devon Energy, Duke Energy, ExxonMobil, Marathon Oil, Occidental Petroleum, Phillips66, Questar, Tesoro, Valero Energy, and World Fuel Service (a defendant in lawsuits over the 2013 oil train explosion in Lac-Mégantic, Quebec that killed 47 people), and many others—and paid Greenpeace from the profits.
The second-ranked Greenpeace donor is the left-funding Arcus Foundation, at $1,055,651 since 2007. The foundation of ultra-green billionaire Jon Stryker, Arcus’ 2013 assets totaled $169,472,585, with working capital injected into China Petroleum, ExxonMobil, PetroChina, Royal Dutch Shell, and TransCanada (the “tar” sands pipeline company)—and paid Greenpeace from the profits.
The list of foundations giving Greenpeace oil profits goes on and on, and Greenpeace goes on and on hypocritically taking oil profits to undermine America’s real energy future. This cabal could redeem itself instantly: they could just stop using any fossil fuels right now.